With almost every day that passes, Trump is providing a glimpse of how American government might look under a President who disdains the principles and pillars on which it is built.
A strong economy, extreme political polarization and the daily struggles of millions of people to pay for essentials like health care and a college education are understandably seen as more important.
And any impression in the heartland that the latest drama is just another tortured episode in an era of political estrangement would have been reinforced by the theatrics in the House Judiciary Committee on Wednesday.
A hearing in which Democrats held Attorney General William Barr in contempt pulsated with enough grandstanding and hypocrisy on both sides to turn anyone against politics — and in atmosphere, rather than substance, looked like business as usual in the divided capital.
But Wednesday’s developments were different. Two warring branches of government will now most likely require the third — the judiciary — to adjudicate their conflict.
“We are now in a constitutional crisis,” House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler, D-New York, who had previously avoided the term, told reporters.
Republican Rep. Louie Gohmert of Texas was just as alarmist, but he accused an overreaching majority of provoking the imbroglio.
“You are on the wrong side of history,” he told Democrats — claiming that the FBI investigation into the Trump campaign and alleged links with Russia in 2016 represented a coup against the presidency.
If anything, the stakes are now even more important than whether Trump obstructed justice during the Mueller investigation, or the contempt charge against Barr, which will have little practical effect on the attorney general’s ability to function.
Those are issues that will expire with this administration in two or six years.
But Trump’s refusal to comply with long traditions governing the relationship between Congress and the presidency cut to the core of American democracy and could change it for future generations.
The President’s presumptive claim of executive privilege over the entire un-redacted Mueller report after Democrats had issued a subpoena demanding its handover goes further than his previous efforts to evade congressional oversight, crossing an important line.
If the gambit stands, it suggests a President can simply ignore the tools designed for Congress to check his power and examine his actions and he will face no significant sanction. Once this threshold is crossed there may be no going back for future administrations.
“This is not a normal partisan event, because the President is invoking executive privilege in an extremely broad way,” said Corey Brettschneider, professor of political science at Brown University.
“It is hard to think of an example like that, that is as fundamental to the American Constitution, not only that Congress makes the laws and the president exercises them, but part of the legislative function is to exercise oversight.
“Without the subpoena power to compel oversight it is hard to know how they can even do the basics of their jobs,” said Brettschneider, author of “The Oath and the Office: A Guide to the Constitution for Future Presidents.”
Turning in their graves
Leon Panetta, who was White House chief of staff for Bill Clinton, told CNN that presidents typically pick and choose executive privilege battles with Congress.
But Trump, consistent with his indifference to checks and balances, domineering personality and willingness to shatter governing norms, chose a blanket approach and is resisting congressional oversight across the board.
“Our forefathers must be turning in their graves,” Panetta told CNN’s Brianna Keilar. “Our forefathers were really clear that they didn’t want power to be centralized in any one branch of government, particularly in a king or a president.”
Many analysts believe that at the end of the potentially lengthy legal battle on multiple fronts, the courts will eventually side with Congress on its power to compel testimony.
As a result of the ruling, President Richard Nixon had to hand over incriminating tapes of his discussions with senior aides to a federal court, a move that accelerated his departure from office in disgrace.
The charge argued that with such behavior Nixon had assumed for himself powers constitutionally vested in the House.
The executive privilege fight and the subpoena barrage are not the only areas where Trump is challenging presidential power.
A new seam of conflict opened up on Wednesday when House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff, a California Democrat, issued yet another subpoena to Barr for all foreign intelligence and counterintelligence materials produced during the Mueller investigation after repeated previous requests fell on deaf ears.
“As both the special counsel and the Department of Justice have recognized, the Congress has a vital constitutional role in evaluating misconduct by the Executive Branch, including the President, and to assess and refine laws that address the ‘sweeping and systematic’ invasion of our democracy by Russia,” Schiff said in a statement.
“We therefore need these materials in order to do our job. The department’s stonewalling is simply unacceptable.”
There was no immediate response from the Justice Department. But if the administration’s past behavior is any guide, Washington should brace for yet another controversy over the extent of congressional power.